After Braddock's defeat, the Virginia frontier erupted into a series of unremitting Indian attacks every summer for the next four years.80 On August 14, 1755, Dinwiddie appointed Washington commander of the Virginia Regiment, with the rank of colonel. Included in the commission, Dinwiddie instructed Washington that "You are. . . impowered to purchase sui able Goods for the Indians, and to offer them Presents in such Manner and at such Times as You shall think adviseable, either for attaining their Interest or promoting the Service."81

During the four years of Indian raids on the Virginia frontier, Washington had to deal with several aspects of Indian affairs. He understood the importance of Indian allies. Washington consistently held the military abilities of the Indians in very high regard. Even when he was warning his superiors about the dangers of the Indians, one can detect respect and a grudging admiration:

However absurd it may appear, it is nevertheless certain, that five hundred Indians have it more in their power to annoy the Inhabitants, than ten times their number of Regulars. For, besides the advantageous way they have of fighting in the Woods, their cunning and craft are not to be equalled; neither their activity and indefatigable Sufferings: They prowl about like Wolves; and like them, do their mischief by Stealth - They depend upon their dexterity in hunting, and upon the Cattle of the Inhabitants for provisions.

Washington constantly went out of his way to convince people of the importance of Indians. He claimed a group of Catawba and Cherokee warriors were worth "more than twice their number of white men."83 In the summer of 1757 he wrote, "It is quite manifest to every person who has had an opportunity of experiencing the advantage of indian services that the friendship and assistance of the Cherokees are well worth cultivating - For my own part, I think they are indispensably necessary in our present circumstances...."84

An Indian who was particularly important to Washington was a Catawba named Captain James Bullen. One of the ways South Carolina Governor James Glen maintained control over the Catawbas was to issue commissions to important individuals. Bullen was commissioned as a "War Captain."85 In mid 1757, Washington mentioned to Dinwiddie a plan that Bullen had in mind for securing the aid of Creek and Cherokee Indians. Washington commented, "... it would be a propitious circumstance and worthy of Bullen: whom I beg leave to recommend to your Honor as deserving particular encouragement for his endeavours to save the Country. He has spent more of his things to inspirit his own people, as well as £10 cash in bringing them in."86 Washington respected the skills of the Catawba captain. Bullen, though considered by Indian matrilineal custom a full Catawba, was one of many mixed blood Indians common in the South after 1740.87 The son of a colonial trader and a Catawba woman, James Bullen, whose Indian name was Spanau, was very important within the Catawba nation.88

Bullen met his end, along with another Catawba called "Captain French" or "French Warrior," in an engagement in the late summer of 1758. Washington was troubled by these losses. He commented, "The loss we sustain by the death of these two Indian Warriors is at this Juncture very considerable as they were very remarkable for their bravery and attachment to Our Interest - particularly poor Bullen, whom (and the other) we buried with Military Honours."89 Washington also praised the courageousness and loyalty of the two Indians to the new governor of Virginia, Francis Fauquier.90

Washington always recognized the importance and the value of giving presents to the Indians.91 He once commented, "... if we depend on Indian assistance we must have a large quantity of proper indian goods to reward their Services, & make them presents; it is by this means alone that the French Command" has "such an interest among them, & that we had so few...."92 Washington informed his early commanding officer, Joshua Fry, that the Indians "must be bought; their friendship is not so warm, as to prompt them to these services gratis."93 Unfortunately for Washington, he often could only give the Indians promises that presents were soon to come. In late 1756 Washington pressed John Robinson, Virginia Treasurer, for more Indian goods, saying that he needed them to get more Indians to join him.94 Early in his command at Winchester, he ordered Christopher Gist to go to the Susquehannah and attempt to recruit any Indians he could. Washington told Gist to promise the Indians anything they asked for as long as they joined up with the English.95

Governor Dinwiddie agreed with Washington on the military skills of the Indians and tried to enlist their aid.

My Views and Inclinat's have always been sanguine in cultivat'g a F'dship with the different Nat's if Inds in Amity with Brittain and these Colonies, particularly with the So'ern Ind's, the Catawbas and Cherokees; their Emperor, King and many of their Chiefs have been here; I always entertain'd them properly, and sent them away pleased with Prest's....96

Dinwiddie had so much faith in Indian warriors that he once informed Washington that the Nottoway Indians should "be paid to encourage the Tuscarraros to our Assistance."97 In late 1755 Washington enthusiastically reported the mission of William Byrd III and Colonel Peter Randolph to entice the Cherokee to join the English.98 Less than a year later, Dinwiddie informed Washington that he was still trying to persuade the Cherokee to send some of their warriors to Winchester.99 In late 1756 Dinwiddie sent some silver trinkets to Washington to give to the Indians. He made it clear that these trinkets, which were worn on the wrists and arms, were never to be given to anyone but the "Chief Warrior of the Party."100 Dinwiddie once chastised Washington for giving some horses to a party of Indians for fear that now all the Indians would want horses. He also told Washington "I am much plagued & troubled to please them."101 More than a year later Dinwiddie wrote to Washington that he was "... much fatigued in getting Goods for the Inds...."102

Washington sometimes used the Indian problem as a reason to get the government to send him what he needed. In requesting needed supplies, he tried to convince the governor that the items he desired were necessary in cementing the Indian attachment to the English.

It is the Nature of Indians to be struck, and be taken by show and this will give them a much higher Conception of our Power and greatness and I verily believe fix them in our Interest many that are now wavering and undetermin'd whose Cause to Espouse - If it was only a Coat of the Coursest red which may be had in these parts it would answer the Intention - red with them is compard to Blood and is look'd upon as the distinguishing marks of Warriours and great Men - The shabby and ragged appearance the French common Soldiers make affords great matter for ridicule amongst the Indians and I really believe is the chief motive why they hate and despise them as they do. If these are the Effects, the Cause may be easily, and timely remedied. I hope your Honour will pardon this freedom, which I should not have assum'd but with a good Intention It is my acquaintance with these Indians, and a Study of their Tempers that has in some measure let me into their Customs and dispositions.103

Washington did not seem to respect the desires of the Indians beyond the fact that he had to satisfy them to secure their help. In the fall of 1756, well into the war, Washington commented that the Indians were "a very covetous people, and expect to be well rewarded for the least service."104 As the war progressed, Washington became so frustrated with the Indian desire for presents that he wrote that the Indians (specifically the Cherokees) were the "most insolent, most avaricious, and most dissatisfied wretches I have had to deal with."105

How Washington and the English addressed the Indians was another factor in securing their aid. In 1754, Dinwiddie told Monacatoocha, that he was "Y'r best Friend" and severely criticized the French in the Indians' own expressive language.106 He later wrote to the Catawbas that he was sending English forces to the Ohio to prevent the French from conquering the hunting ground of the Indian friends of George II and was sending a large present to demonstrate his sincerity.107 He also informed Tanacharisson that the English were going to drive out the French for them.108 Dinwiddie spoke to the Indians as if they were his friends even though he once told Washington that the Indians "are very tedious in their Consultations...."109

Washington himself, with one exception, wrote all of his own speeches to the Indians.110 He once informed Tanacharisson that he and the British were making preparations "to come in all Haste to the Assistance of those whose Interest is as dear to us as our Lives.... I present you with these Bunches of Wampum, to assure you of the Sincerity of my Speech, and that you may remember how much I am your Friend and Brother." Washington signed this message to Tanacharisson "WASHINGTON or CONOTOCARIOUS," using his Indian name to emphasize his sincerity.111 Throughout the war, Washington continued to make flattering speeches to the Indians. In a speech to the Tuscarora Indians, Washington declared that "The intent of this, is, to Assure you of our real Friendship and Love...." He also said that he hoped the Tuscarora would "take up the Hatchet" against the French.112 In a later speech to the Cherokee, Washington said "My Fond Heart overflows to see you [a group of Cherokee warriors]...," trying to persuade them not to leave.113

The duties of commander made it very difficult for Washington to deal directly with Indians. He feared that he might destroy what few ties holding the Indians to the English. Washington once told Dinwiddie, on an occasion when a group of Indians were coming to Washington's aid, that the Indians "are very humoursome, and their assistance very necessary! One false step might not only lose us that, but even turn them against us...."114

After three years of dealing with Indians demanding presents, Washington wrote, "The Indians are Mercenary; every service of theirs must be purchased: and they are easily offended, being thoroughly sensible of their own importance."115 To acquire any significant number of Indians, Washington needed the services of a good Indian interpreter ("interpreter" meant more than a person who just interpreted the language; an interpreter also had to know the customs and desires of the Indian tribes). As far back as 1752 Dinwiddie had advocated the need for a good Indian interpreter. With the interests of the Ohio Company in mind, he told Thomas Cresap, a well-known Indian agent, that he would "be glad [if] Mr. Montour will determine to live in Virginia that we may hereafter have an Interpreter in our own Province on any Occasion we have to do with the Indians...."116

Washington began speaking of the need for a good interpreter at Fort Necessity. "[F]or want of a better acquaintance with their [the Indians] customs, I am often at a loss how to behave."117 Washington was extremely pleased at the arrival of Croghan, and the flamboyant, half-Oneida, Andrew Montour (Montour himself was married to an Indian woman).118 Unfortunately neither Montour nor Croghan performed as well as he expected. Washington soon commented that, because of the vain boasting of the pair, he was unable to get more than thirty Indians to help him at one time.119 He told the governor:

The French policy in treating with Indians is so prevalent, that I shoud not be in the least suprisd, were they to engage the Cherokees, Cuttaba's, &ca, unless timely and vigorous measure's is taken to prevent it - A Pusilanimous behaviour now would ill suit the times, and trusting to Traders & Common Interpreter's (who will sell their Integrity to the highest bidder) may prove the destruction of these Affairs: I therefore think that if a Person of distinction, acquainted with their [the Indians] language is to be found, his Price shd be come to at any rate; if no such can be had, a Man of Sense and Character to conduct the Indians to any Council that may be held, or to Superintend any other matter's, will be found extreamely necessary-120

Great Britain had seen the skill with which the French obtained Indian allies, and so the British government decided to put Indian affairs on a continental basis. In the summer of 1756, John Campbell, Earl of Loudoun put Indian affairs into two continental superintendencies. Sir William Johnson became the Superintendent for the Northern Department, and Edmond Atkin became the Superintendent for the Southern Department. The thirty nine year old Atkin had been a merchant for a long time in Charleston, South Carolina, and had helped convince the Board of Trade to create the Superintendencies for Indian Affairs.123 It was Atkin with whom Washington was involved. Atkin came to Washington's aid in early June, 1757.124 Washington hoped that Atkin could help him avoid the problems that he had previously encountered with Indians, such as a misunderstanding of intelligence gathered by the Indians and delivered to Captain John Dagworthy, due to "in great measure, from a lack of a proper interpreter."125

Unfortunately for Washington, Atkin did not offer much help. The Catawba eractasswa (chief) King Hagler commented, "Squire Atkin promised me a long while ago that he would send us some goods and would do many things for us." He went on to sarcastically point out, "I have long hunted for those goods but never could find them nor has he [Atkin] done any one thing for us."126 He was so disliked by many Indians that in 1759, a Cherokee chief called Yah-Yah-Tustanage, known to the English as "the Great Mortar" became so angry with Atkin at a conference that he hurled his tomahawk at Atkin's head (he was hit, but the blow was not fatal).127 Near the end of the summer of 1757, Atkin, it seemed, was handling Indian Affairs with "arrogance and ineptitude."128 At an early summer gathering in Winchester of many Catawbas and Cherokees, the late arrival of Atkin (June 2) caused many of the valuable Indians to depart. Washington told Robinson that, since Atkin had arrived, "the Indians have been pleased and displeased oftener than they ought to have been."129 Atkin, however, told Dinwiddie that he had put Indian Affairs in "a good posture."130 Departing in late 1757, Atkin left Dinwiddie and the colony of Virginia expenses totalling £809. He also left a glowing report of his own actions on the frontier.131 With Atkin gone, Washington once again had to deal with the Indians on a personal basis. Washington again urged Dinwiddie to appoint an individual with that power.132

As did many British and Virginian officers, Washington feared the influence of liquor on the Indians. As far back as his trip to Fort Le Boeuf in 1753, Washington was warning Tanacharisson to stay away from the French brandy pot.133 He once ordered Lt. Col. Adam Stephen to give to a group of thirteen Nottoway Indians a "Jacket a-piece; which you must give them, if such things can be procured there - any other little necessaries may be ordered them - but take care to keep them from liquor."134 In late 1756 he issued orders that, while the men were to treat the Indians "civilly and kindly" (to help secure their aid), they were "to avoid giving them liquor...."135

Throughout the war, Washington attempted to implement this policy. He once told the officers of the various posts throughout the frontier not to hold any treaty negotiations with the Indians, nor should they give them any liquor.136 Despite Washington's efforts, British liquor still found its way into the hands of the Indians. The problem was so great that by 1758 Washington relayed orders from General Forbes which stated that no person, be they a soldier or a "follower of" the army, should give liquor to any Indians, on pain of severe punishment.137

While Washington probably would have liked to command a regiment of obediant Indian troops, he was only able to use them for tasks such as scalping parties, foraging, espionage, and in other military support functions. Commonly, Indian support was best described as unreliable. Governor Francis Fauquier told Washington that "I have never entertained any high Opinion of the Friendship of any Indians, nor form'd any great Expextations from their Service."138 Bouquet, in some frustration over a party of Cherokee who had stolen some goods, remarked to Washington that, "I think it would be easier to make Indians of our White men, than to co[a]x that damned Taney€ Race."139 Washington answered Bouquet's suggestion, "... I must confess that I think these Scalping Partys of Indians we send out will more effectually harass the Enemy (by keeping them under continuall alarams) than any Partys of white people can do...."140

Washington and the English employed the "savage" practice of scalping their enemies. This usually was done by scalping parties of Indians under English command. Washington, in the spring of 1757, having been informed of the arrival of ninety five Catawba warriors at Winchester, hoped they could be used in an attack on the troublesome Fort Duquesne, but he knew that was not likely, and planned to use them for harassment and scalping parties.141 Dinwiddie had already advised Washington to send a group of four hundred Cherokees out on scalping parties, paying them £10 a scalp.142